In this paper we show that non-agreeing quantifiers in Basque are conceptually
measures. Furthermore, based on the differences between agreeing and non-agreeing
quantifiers and observing that the latter do not behave as counters (i.e. they can not appear in
NumP position) we propose a new syntactic structure for NPs (building on Borer,
2005) where measures head their own functional projection. This functional projection is
placed in between the Classifier Phrase and the Number Phrase. We also show that
non-agreeing quantifiers are sensitive to the nature of the predicates they associate to and that
Measure Phrases seem to measure both individuals and events/states, as long as the latter
denote non-trivial part-whole structures. The predicate sensitivity of measuring quantifiers
are explained using the monotonicity constraint (Schwarzschild, 2002) and a
homomorphism function (Krifka, 1989; Nakanishi, 2004, 2007).